The first article on page 3 :"The Six Principles of Adaptive Peacebuilding" by Cedric de Coning -This article discusses peacebuilding which is about influencing the behaviour of social systems that have been, or are at risk of, being affected by violent conflict. A society sustains peace when its social institutions are able to ensure that political competition is managed peacefully, and that no significant social or political groups use violence to pursue their interests. On page 11 "Reinvigorating the African Solidarity Initiative for Robust Implementation of the African Union’s Postconflict Reconstruction and Development Policy" by Babatunde F. Obamamoye - The article is divided into four sections. The first and second sections unpack the AU’s pursuit of peacebuilding in Africa and the emergence and atrophy of the ASI respectively. The last two sections discuss why it is necessary to reactivate the ASI as an instrument for PCRD and how this can be achieved. On page 22 "Social Media: A Space for Dialogue or a Tool for Warfare?" by Carolyne Mande Lunga - This article provides examples of movements on Facebook and Twitter, which show how social media is a place for both good and destructive conflict resolution. “Good” refers to the idea that social media can give marginalised groups voice and help protesters acquire solidarity with the international community, resulting in policy change and action from government and other stakeholders. “Destructive” refers to the idea that social media can be used to create tensions and spread “fake news” with the intention to mislead, thereby inciting conflict and violence. On page 30 "South Africa’s Possible Withdrawal from the International Criminal Court: Implications for Human Rights and Zimbabwe" by Innocent Mangwiro The article proceeds with historical antecedents of international criminal trials and the ICC’s work in Africa since its conception. There is no shortage of literature in this area, but it helps to understand the background of South Africa’s willingness to cease to be a signatory of the Rome Statute. Following an analysis of South Africa’s grounds for leaving the ICC, the article discusses the implications for human rights in Zimbabwe – itself a signatory to the Rome Statute, but not a party member of the ICC. On page 40 "Key Lessons for Global Counter-insurgency from the Fight against Boko Haram" by Andrew Hankins This article explores each of these strategies, analysing them through a theoretical lens, before outlining the mission’s shortcomings and finally considering the lessons that can be learnt and contrasting them with Western COIN missions in Afghanistan, Vietnam and Kenya. On page 47 "The Efficacy of Governments of National Unity in Zimbabwe and Lesotho" by Dudziro Nhengu and Stanley Murairwa. Electoral disputes have long played a role in directing political conflicts towards the attainment of ephemeral peace in both Zimbabwe and Lesotho – two countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Zimbabwe’s Global Political Agreement (GPA) helped to end conflict in the country, further establishing a government of national unity (GNU) with institutional mechanisms and conditions that enabled transition to a more peaceful context. A decade later, Zimbabwe is still at a crossroads, facing almost the same political and economic hardships that it did in 2008, when the GPA was signed.